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Introduction the curse of natural resources } the observation that countries rich in natural resources tend to perform badly } has been shown empirically and analyzed in a number of recent studies antibiotic ointment for babies quality 300 mg tinidazole. These studies antibiotic resistance epidemiology safe 500 mg tinidazole, which include Auty (1990) infection 4 the day after buy 1000mg tinidazole, Gelb (1988) antibiotics making sinus infection worse cheap 1000 mg tinidazole, Sachs and Warner (1995, 1999), and Gylfason et al. On an intellectual level, this issue "rst emerged as an important international issue during the inter-war period in Latin America, after many Latin American economies su! However during this time and in the immediate post-war period, the skepticism about natural resource-led development was rooted in forecasts of declining global demand and prices. What the studies based on the post-war experience have argued is that the curse of natural resources is a demonstrable empirical fact, even after controlling for trends in commodity prices. Since so many poorer countries still have abundant natural resources, it is important to better understand the roots of failure in natural resource-led development. There have always been two important questions raised by the curse of natural resources. Empirical support for the curse of natural resources is not bulletproof, but it is quite strong. If natural resources really do help development, why do not we see a positive correlation today between natural wealth and other kinds of economic wealth? Second, casual observation also con"rms that extremely resource-abundant countries such as the Oil States in the Gulf, or Nigeria, or Mexico and Venezuela, have not experienced sustained rapid economic growth. The "nding in repeated regressions using growth data from the post-war period is that high resource intensity tends to correlate with slow growth. This "nding is not easily explained by other variables, since this empirical result survives the introduction of a long list of control variables. It is also not easily explained as an accident from the special experience of the Persian Gulf states, since most of these states drop out of regression samples for lack of data on other control variables. In addition the "nding survives statistical procedures for eliminating unusual observations. For some examples of the evidence, Sachs and Warner (1997) show regression evidence of the curse of natural resources with as many as nine additional regressors, and Sachs and Warner (1995) show regression evidence for the curse after controlling for popular variables favored by four other empirical growth studies. The "gure shows that none of the countries with extremely abundant natural resources in 1970 grew rapidly for the next 20 years. Moreover, most of the countries that did grow rapidly during this period started as resource poor, not resource rich. Although the empirical evidence mentioned above is strong by conventional standards, we will now discuss a possible way that these results are misleading. To see this, suppose that there was an alternative variable, constant through time, that a! Suppose also that countries were randomly endowed with natural resources in a way that was not correlated with their geography. If we let time pass in such a world, eventually the countries with favorable geographic conditions would have high income, since they would have been growing for a while. Because of their high income, they would appear to have low shares of natural resources in the economy } not because they were inherently poor in natural resources, but because the rest of the economy would have been growing. On the other hand, the poor-geography countries would still appear to be high-natural resource economies, since the rest of the economy would not have been growing. We would tend to "nd a negative association between growth and natural resources as a share of the economy. But in our special example, this negative association would be driven by geography which we do not observe, and not by any inherent penalty from high natural resources. Under the story above, previous growth would be correlated with the left-out geography variables and thus serve as a proxy for them. The relevant question then is whether the natural resource variable stays in the regression even after controlling for previous growth. If instead it is not hard to observe the omitted geography variables, the second solution is simply to control for them in the regression. Previous growth in this case is growth in the 1960s which is listed as the last regressor. Table 2 shows additional evidence on the second of the tests: controlling for geography variables directly. The list of geography variables includes the percent of land area within 100 kilometers of the sea, kilometers to the closest major port, the fraction of land area in the geographic tropics and a falciparam malaria index from 1966. The impact of geographical conditions on growth is studied in much more detail elsewhere (see Gallup et al.

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In April, President Ilham Aliyev was elected for a fourth term in elections that international observers found lacked competition, and "took place in a restrictive political environment and under laws that curtail fundamental rights and freedoms. Other persistent human rights problems included systemic torture, undue interference in the work of lawyers, and restrictions on media freedoms. Elnur Farajov, an opposition party member imprisoned on bogus drug charges, died from cancer shortly after his May release by presidential pardon, having been denied adequate medical treatment in prison. Authorities continued to target leading and rank-and-file members of opposition political parties. In March, a court sentenced Ahsan Nuruzade, senior member of Muslim Unity, an unregistered, conservative Shiite movement, to seven years in jail on bogus drug charges. At least 17 other members of Muslim Unity remained in prison on dubious extremism and other charges. Many others continued to serve long prison terms on politically motivated charges, including youth activists Ilkin Rustamzadeh, Elgiz Gahraman, Giyas Ibrahimov, and Bayram Mammadov. Attacks on the Judiciary Pressure mounted against lawyers who work on human rights-related cases. In April, the Azerbaijan Bar Association, which is closely tied to the government, suspended the licenses of Asabali Mustafayev and Nemet Karimli, lawyers who often worked on cases involving political persecution. Earlier in January, based on a similar complaint, the Bar Association suspended the license of another lawyer, Fakhraddin Mehdiyev. Following December 2017 legislative amendments, lawyers without Bar Association membership may no longer represent clients in civic or administrative proceedings, further restricting the work of the handful of independent lawyers working on politically motivated cases. 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Eight of them re- Key International Actors International financial institutions funded Azerbaijani state hydrocarbon projects, despite their institutional mandates that require them to ensure project partners respect principles of pluralism and transparency. In May, Azerbaijan underwent the third cycle of the Universal Periodic Review at the United Nations Human Rights Council, during which it continued to deny allegations of rights violations. A July, European Parliament resolution threatened not to ratify a partnership deal with Azerbaijan, under negotiation since 2017, unless it freed political prisoners and allowed nongovernmental groups and lawyers to work without undue government interference. In August, during her first visit to Azerbaijan, German Chancellor Angela Merkel raised human rights issues with President Aliyev, arguing that "strong civil society must be part of an open, secular society. Bahrain Civilian and military courts continue to convict and imprison peaceful dissenters, including prominent human rights defenders and opposition leaders, under the guise of national security. Courts since January 2018 have stripped at least 243 people of their citizenship, including activists, leaving most of them effectively stateless. Authorities also deported at least eight people after stripping their citizenship.

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Police subject dissidents to lengthy and bullying interrogations bacteria 80s trusted tinidazole 1000mg, and detain them incommunicado for months without access to family members or legal counsel infection throughout body buy tinidazole 500 mg. Communist Party-controlled courts receive instructions on how to rule in criminal cases antibiotic resistance drugs best tinidazole 500mg, and have issued increasingly harsh prison sentences for activists convicted on bogus national security charges antimicrobial hand sanitizer order 1000 mg tinidazole. In October, the National Assembly voted to elect Communist Party Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong to be the new president, merging two top positions into one. Freedom of Expression, Opinion, and Speech Vietnamese rights bloggers face regular harassment and intimidation. Ho Hai), and activists Nguyen Dinh Thanh, Bui Hieu Vo, Tran Hoang Phuc, Vu Quang Thuan, Nguyen Van Dien, Nguyen Viet Dung, and Vuong Van Tha. Activists and bloggers face frequent physical assaults by officials or government connected thugs, who are not punished for these attacks. In June and July 2018 in Lam Dong province, unidentified men threw rocks and a handmade incendiary device into the house of a labor activist and former political prisoner, Do Thi Minh Hanh. In August, security agents brutally beat rights activists Pham Doan Trang, Nguyen Tin, and Nguyen Dang Cao Dai after a raid on a concert in Ho Chi Minh City. Also in August, police in Khanh Hoa province detained activist Ngo Thanh Tu and beat him repeatedly. In September, men in civilian clothes assaulted activist Huynh Cong Thuan in Ho Chi Minh City as he was driving home from work on a motorbike. Also in September, unknown thugs attacked and broke the arm of former political prisoner Truong Van Kim in Lam Dong. Police place activists under house arrest or briefly detain them to prevent them from participating in meetings and protests or attending the trials of fellow activists. The government prohibited many dissidents and human rights defenders from traveling abroad. In March, police barred dissident poet Bui Minh Quoc from leaving Vietnam for the United States. In August, the police denied the issuance of a passport to former political prisoner Le Cong Dinh without explanation. Under the new law, which will go into effect in January 2019, service providers must take down offending content within 24 hours of receiving a request from the Ministry of Public Security or the Ministry of Information and Communications. Internet companies are also required to store data locally, verify user information, and disclose user data to authorities on demand without a court order, all of which threaten the right to privacy and could facilitate further suppression of online dissent or activism. In August, police arrested Nguyen Ngoc Anh in Ben Tre province for allegedly using Facebook to urge people to protest. In September, various courts in Can Tho province convicted Bui Manh Dong, Doan Khanh Vinh Quang, Nguyen Hong Nguyen, and Truong Dinh Khang for their posts and shares on Facebook for "abusing freedom and democracy to infringe upon the interests of the state" under article 331 of the penal code. The four were given sentences ranging from one year to two-and-a-half years in prison. Freedom of Association and Assembly Vietnam continues to prohibit the establishment and operation of independent labor unions, human rights organizations, and political parties. Authorities convicted and sentenced labor activist Truong Minh Duc to 12 years in prison in April 2018 and activist Hoang Duc Binh to 14 years in February. Communist Party-controlled courts severely punished people who were accused of being affiliated with political groups or parties that the Communist Party of Vietnam views as threatening its monopoly on power. In April, five members of a group that called itself the Brotherhood for Democracy-Nguyen Van Tuc, Nguyen Trung Ton, Nguyen Bac Truyen, Tran Thi Xuan, and Pham Van Troi-were sentenced to between 7 and 13 years in prison. In August, activist Le Dinh Luong received a 20-year prison sentence for his alleged involvement with Viet Tan, a banned overseas political party. Criminal penalties apply to those who disseminate materials deemed to oppose the government, threaten national security, or promote "reactionary" ideas. In October, Luu Van Vinh, Nguyen Quoc Hoan, Nguyen Van Duc Do, Tu Cong Nghia, and Phan Trung were convicted under article 79 of the penal code for their alleged affiliation with the Vietnam National Self-Determination Coalition, an independent political group, and sentenced to between 8 and 15 years in prison. Authorities require approval for public gatherings and systematically refuse permission for meetings, marches, or public gatherings they deem to be politically unacceptable. In June 2018, authorities harassed, detained, and assaulted dozens of people who participated in demonstrations throughout Vietnam to protest against a draft law on special economic zones and the draconian law on cybersecurity. As of October, the government convicted at least 118 protesters for disrupting public order. In June, men in civilian clothes broke into the house of Cao Dai religious activist Hua Phi in Lam Dong province, where they beat him and cut off his beard.

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